Professor Wole Soyinka was keynote speaker at the maiden annual
lecture of the Ripples Centre for Data and Investigative Journalism held in
Lagos on March 15. Topic: “Rebuilding Trust in a Divided Nigeria: Can Nigeria
be fixed?”
The Nobel Laureate did not
disappoint.
His presentation titled “From
Miyetti to Haiti: Notes from a Solidarity Visit” took us on a journey to Haiti,
Trinidad and Tobago, the United States, Nigeria also, and other parts of the
world, including the past and the present, raising questions along the line
about the humanity of the average Nigerian – the leaders, the followers – his
or her humanity or non-humanity, the possession of a sense of dignity, shame,
decency, memory, common sense, or lack of it, in comparison with conditions
elsewhere.
Whereas other countries, classified along with Nigeria by Donald
Trump, the loud-mouthed, twitter-obsessed American President as “shithole
countries” and who may well fall under the same category with us as developing
countries, may claim the right to feel insulted, Professor Soyinka asked his
audience whether with the established mentality of enslavement, patterns of
alienation between power and society, the distorted relationships within our
communities, the failure of governance and the gross idiocy/shamelessness of
the political elite and the moral turpitude of the Nigerian, whether indeed the
Nigerian has earned the right to feel insulted or not to be insulted.
Can any Nigerian really rise
to full height and ask Trump to shut the hell up, coming from a country as we
do, where the leaders would rather be elsewhere when the people suffer: “I am
not even obliged to be here”, they would rather say.
Ours is a country where in a
conflict between murderous Fulani herdsmen and defenceless farmers, the
government’s response is to take sides with the aggressor, rather than check
impunity and ensure that justice is done.
The Miyetti Allah Kautal
Hore, the umbrella organization for Fulani cattle rearers actually, publicly
admitted the title Fulani herdsmen, and so there is no point quibbling over
that label, publicly stated as the right tag of identification by its very
owners.
Human lives invariably mean
nothing to Nigerians. Our sensibilities have been inured by too much
familiarity with tragedy.
Can Nigerians claim the right
not to be insulted living as they do in a country where mass murder in fact, no
longer means anything to political leaders- right after the slaughter of
hundreds of persons or the abduction of young school girls, the leaders would
rather troop to a wedding party?
And when the main man manages
to visit later, he gets a red carpet reception, and talks about sympathy. “Who
needs sympathy?”, Soyinka asked.
“What we are talking about is
justice, evenhandedness, fairness”, the Nobel Laureate declared. These
are obviously strange words to the constituted authorities of Nigeria.
After all, one Minister had
the audacity to declare that whoever has been killed by Fulani herdsmen has
himself or herself to blame, for planting a farm or a house or even daring to
stand, wait or engage in anything at all, including the intake of oxygen, along
the cattle route that Fulani ancestors had carved out of Nigeria.
Soyinka wondered what such a
cruel person is still doing in the corridors of power.
But of course, to further
strengthen the climate of fear in the land, any form of opposition or criticism
has been branded “hate speech”. There is even a Bill to this effect in
contemplation before the National Assembly.
The prescribed punishment is
“death by hanging” – this at a time when the rest of the world is trying to
move away from the death penalty.
The Bill may never become law
but it is a whip to be held above the head of the populace, to enslave,
intimidate and frighten the people.
And so on and so on, Soyinka
delivered one blow after another, painting at the same time, pictures, with
anecdotes, humour, and references to particular personalities in Nigerian
history, notably his life-long sparring partner, President Olusegun Obasanjo whom
he once confronted over his famous “I am not obliged to be here” remark
only to be told: “Kampala ti e niyen.”
Soyinka had warned at the
beginning of his presentation that the moment for introspection and frankness
had come and he wanted the audience to “look in the mirror”.
He practically held up that
mirror; what the audience saw or remembered about their country was ugly and
disconcerting.
Professor Soyinka soon took
his leave. I joined the Director of the Centre to see off our esteemed guest.
As he stepped out of the
venue, he was surrounded by a group of reporters and admirers who wanted
selfies. One of them asked him to provide a quick summary of his keynote
address. I thought that was an odd question.
Was the reporter not at the
event upstairs, did he not just exit the hall with us? One lady pulled at the
Nobel Laureate’s shirt, determined to gain his attention.
“Yes, Prof. you have
described everything happening in the country but what is the way forward?”
“Way forward?”, Soyinka asked
“Yes. Way forward? What is
your solution?”, she persisted
“Way forward”, the Nobel
Laureate repeated as if he wasn’t too sure. Then he answered: “Way forward?
Just keep walking, you’ll find the way.”
I was pleased with that
sarcastic response. It was obvious the reporter did not understand the
presentation. Or may be she was fishing for a headline, or a tailor-made
sound-bite. This is also a national predilection.
Nigerians are very good at
over-simplifying everything. They like slogans, sound-bites, the same way they
crave short-cuts even in matters that require the minimal use of the brain.
Reporters these days are in a class of their own.
When they invite you for an
interview, don’t be surprised if they ask you for example: “Can we meet you?”
How? If you didn’t know who I am, why invite me for an interview?
The debate that followed at
the event was of a different tenor, drawing heavily on the energy and
excitement Professor Soyinka had infused the audience with.
Whereas other countries, classified along with Nigeria by Donald
Trump, the loud-mouthed, twitter-obsessed American President as “shithole
countries” and who may well fall under the same category with us as developing
countries, may claim the right to feel insulted, Professor Soyinka asked his
audience whether with the established mentality of enslavement, patterns of
alienation between power and society, the distorted relationships within our
communities, the failure of governance and the gross idiocy/shamelessness of
the political elite and the moral turpitude of the Nigerian, whether indeed the
Nigerian has earned the right to feel insulted or not to be insulted.
Can any Nigerian really rise
to full height and ask Trump to shut the hell up, coming from a country as we
do, where the leaders would rather be elsewhere when the people suffer: “I am
not even obliged to be here”, they would rather say.
Ours is a country where in a
conflict between murderous Fulani herdsmen and defenceless farmers, the
government’s response is to take sides with the aggressor, rather than check
impunity and ensure that justice is done.
The Miyetti Allah Kautal
Hore, the umbrella organization for Fulani cattle rearers actually, publicly
admitted the title Fulani herdsmen, and so there is no point quibbling over
that label, publicly stated as the right tag of identification by its very
owners.
Human lives invariably mean
nothing to Nigerians. Our sensibilities have been inured by too much
familiarity with tragedy.
Can Nigerians claim the right
not to be insulted living as they do in a country where mass murder in fact, no
longer means anything to political leaders- right after the slaughter of
hundreds of persons or the abduction of young school girls, the leaders would rather
troop to a wedding party?
And when the main man manages
to visit later, he gets a red carpet reception, and talks about sympathy. “Who
needs sympathy?”, Soyinka asked.
“What we are talking about is
justice, evenhandedness, fairness”, the Nobel Laureate declared. These
are obviously strange words to the constituted authorities of Nigeria.
After all, one Minister had
the audacity to declare that whoever has been killed by Fulani herdsmen has
himself or herself to blame, for planting a farm or a house or even daring to
stand, wait or engage in anything at all, including the intake of oxygen, along
the cattle route that Fulani ancestors had carved out of Nigeria.
Soyinka wondered what such a
cruel person is still doing in the corridors of power.
But of course, to further
strengthen the climate of fear in the land, any form of opposition or criticism
has been branded “hate speech”. There is even a Bill to this effect in
contemplation before the National Assembly.
The prescribed punishment is
“death by hanging” – this at a time when the rest of the world is trying to
move away from the death penalty.
The Bill may never become law
but it is a whip to be held above the head of the populace, to enslave,
intimidate and frighten the people.
And so on and so on, Soyinka
delivered one blow after another, painting at the same time, pictures, with
anecdotes, humour, and references to particular personalities in Nigerian
history, notably his life-long sparring partner, President Olusegun Obasanjo
whom he once confronted over his famous “I am not obliged to be here”
remark only to be told: “Kampala ti e niyen.”
Soyinka had warned at the
beginning of his presentation that the moment for introspection and frankness
had come and he wanted the audience to “look in the mirror”.
He practically held up that
mirror; what the audience saw or remembered about their country was ugly and
disconcerting.
Professor Soyinka soon took
his leave. I joined the Director of the Centre to see off our esteemed guest.
As he stepped out of the venue,
he was surrounded by a group of reporters and admirers who wanted selfies. One
of them asked him to provide a quick summary of his keynote address. I thought
that was an odd question.
Was the reporter not at the
event upstairs, did he not just exit the hall with us? One lady pulled at the
Nobel Laureate’s shirt, determined to gain his attention.
“Yes, Prof. you have
described everything happening in the country but what is the way forward?”
“Way forward?”, Soyinka asked
“Yes. Way forward? What is
your solution?”, she persisted
“Way forward”, the Nobel
Laureate repeated as if he wasn’t too sure. Then he answered: “Way forward?
Just keep walking, you’ll find the way.”
I was pleased with that
sarcastic response. It was obvious the reporter did not understand the
presentation. Or may be she was fishing for a headline, or a tailor-made
sound-bite. This is also a national predilection.
Nigerians are very good at
over-simplifying everything. They like slogans, sound-bites, the same way they
crave short-cuts even in matters that require the minimal use of the brain.
Reporters these days are in a class of their own.
When they invite you for an
interview, don’t be surprised if they ask you for example: “Can we meet you?”
How? If you didn’t know who I am, why invite me for an interview?
The debate that followed at
the event was of a different tenor, drawing heavily on the energy and
excitement Professor Soyinka had infused the audience with.
Whereas other countries, classified along with Nigeria by Donald
Trump, the loud-mouthed, twitter-obsessed American President as “shithole
countries” and who may well fall under the same category with us as developing
countries, may claim the right to feel insulted, Professor Soyinka asked his
audience whether with the established mentality of enslavement, patterns of
alienation between power and society, the distorted relationships within our
communities, the failure of governance and the gross idiocy/shamelessness of
the political elite and the moral turpitude of the Nigerian, whether indeed the
Nigerian has earned the right to feel insulted or not to be insulted.
Can any Nigerian really rise
to full height and ask Trump to shut the hell up, coming from a country as we
do, where the leaders would rather be elsewhere when the people suffer: “I am
not even obliged to be here”, they would rather say.
Ours is a country where in a
conflict between murderous Fulani herdsmen and defenceless farmers, the
government’s response is to take sides with the aggressor, rather than check
impunity and ensure that justice is done.
The Miyetti Allah Kautal
Hore, the umbrella organization for Fulani cattle rearers actually, publicly
admitted the title Fulani herdsmen, and so there is no point quibbling over
that label, publicly stated as the right tag of identification by its very
owners.
Human lives invariably mean
nothing to Nigerians. Our sensibilities have been inured by too much
familiarity with tragedy.
Can Nigerians claim the right
not to be insulted living as they do in a country where mass murder in fact, no
longer means anything to political leaders- right after the slaughter of
hundreds of persons or the abduction of young school girls, the leaders would rather
troop to a wedding party?
And when the main man manages
to visit later, he gets a red carpet reception, and talks about sympathy. “Who
needs sympathy?”, Soyinka asked.
“What we are talking about is
justice, evenhandedness, fairness”, the Nobel Laureate declared. These
are obviously strange words to the constituted authorities of Nigeria.
After all, one Minister had
the audacity to declare that whoever has been killed by Fulani herdsmen has
himself or herself to blame, for planting a farm or a house or even daring to
stand, wait or engage in anything at all, including the intake of oxygen, along
the cattle route that Fulani ancestors had carved out of Nigeria.
Soyinka wondered what such a
cruel person is still doing in the corridors of power.
But of course, to further
strengthen the climate of fear in the land, any form of opposition or criticism
has been branded “hate speech”. There is even a Bill to this effect in
contemplation before the National Assembly.
The prescribed punishment is
“death by hanging” – this at a time when the rest of the world is trying to
move away from the death penalty.
The Bill may never become law
but it is a whip to be held above the head of the populace, to enslave,
intimidate and frighten the people.
And so on and so on, Soyinka
delivered one blow after another, painting at the same time, pictures, with
anecdotes, humour, and references to particular personalities in Nigerian
history, notably his life-long sparring partner, President Olusegun Obasanjo
whom he once confronted over his famous “I am not obliged to be here”
remark only to be told: “Kampala ti e niyen.”
Soyinka had warned at the
beginning of his presentation that the moment for introspection and frankness
had come and he wanted the audience to “look in the mirror”.
He practically held up that
mirror; what the audience saw or remembered about their country was ugly and
disconcerting.
Professor Soyinka soon took
his leave. I joined the Director of the Centre to see off our esteemed guest.
As he stepped out of the venue,
he was surrounded by a group of reporters and admirers who wanted selfies. One
of them asked him to provide a quick summary of his keynote address. I thought
that was an odd question.
Was the reporter not at the
event upstairs, did he not just exit the hall with us? One lady pulled at the
Nobel Laureate’s shirt, determined to gain his attention.
“Yes, Prof. you have
described everything happening in the country but what is the way forward?”
“Way forward?”, Soyinka asked
“Yes. Way forward? What is
your solution?”, she persisted
“Way forward”, the Nobel
Laureate repeated as if he wasn’t too sure. Then he answered: “Way forward?
Just keep walking, you’ll find the way.”
I was pleased with that
sarcastic response. It was obvious the reporter did not understand the
presentation. Or may be she was fishing for a headline, or a tailor-made
sound-bite. This is also a national predilection.
Nigerians are very good at
over-simplifying everything. They like slogans, sound-bites, the same way they
crave short-cuts even in matters that require the minimal use of the brain.
Reporters these days are in a class of their own.
When they invite you for an
interview, don’t be surprised if they ask you for example: “Can we meet you?”
How? If you didn’t know who I am, why invite me for an interview?
The debate that followed at
the event was of a different tenor, drawing heavily on the energy and
excitement Professor Soyinka had infused the audience with.
A panel of three led
the discussions. Dr. Abiola Akiyode-Afolabi reviewed the crisis of
governance in Nigeria and spoke about national unity and the urgent need for
restructuring.
Professor Pat Utomi,
represented by Mr. Rasheed Adegbenro spoke about values in leadership, and
offered a five-point plan including civic engagement, value re-orientation,
civic participation, education, and a more positive role to be played by the
Nigerian media.
Mr. Peter Obi, former
Governor of Anambra state focused on the failure of governance as the
cumulative effect of years of neglect and omissions, the greed and indiscipline
of the political elite and the bad politics Nigerians play, relying largely on
his own experience as Governor.
Professor Soyinka had
spoken for less than one hour, but the discussions went on for about three
hours. Everyone had something to say. The event had mostly young people in
attendance.
As Nigeria enters yet
another election season, most young Nigerians –many of whom have just attained
the age of franchise since the last election, and frustrated by the travails of
their country insist that they are determined to fix Nigeria.
It is not for nothing
that more than 25 young Nigerians within the age bracket 35-45, even when the
age of qualification for the Nigerian Presidency is 40 want to be President in
2019.
They include the
publisher of Sahara Reporters, Omoyele Sowore, motivational speaker Fela
Durotoye Adamu Garba, Ahmed Buhari, and so many others. The urgency of this
task was obvious in the tone of the discussions.
When Peter Obi urged
that Nigerians should simply “take back their country”, more so as the line
between governance and comedy had become blurred, and that it is not really a
matter of age, but capacity, because many young people are in government
already and have been part of the rot since the First Republic, the audience
was ecstatic.
It was time to close
the programme with Peter Obi responding to the last set of questions. But one
young man wouldn’t have that. He suddenly jumped atop his seat, and raised his
hand, towering above everyone and screaming that he must have a say or the
programme would not end.
Earlier, there had
been actual struggle for the microphone, but this particular young man insisted
he had found the solution to all of Nigeria’s problems. We had to allow
him provide his earth-shaking, cure-all, solution. He ended up merely repeating
what had already been said.
But can we really fix
Nigeria? The consensus was that this is indeed possible. How? Look in the
mirror and reflect. Education. Value reorientation. Leadership recruitment.
Restructuring. Civic engagement. Media activism. Take back our country!
What of the people
factor? Are we going to import a new set of Nigerians and value system after
restructuring?
Professor Soyinka had
prefaced his keynote address with the presentation – what he called the
informal launch of his latest book titled “The Road Map of a Nation: A
Narrative of the First African Road Safety Corps (Ibadan: Bookcraft, 2018, 203
pp).”
Like a teacher
recommending further reading for his students, he had asked us to read the
book, copies of which were on display at the venue. Being an obedient student,
I complied.
The preface to the
book: “Table Manners for Dining with the Devil” is an excerpt from Soyinka’s
You Must Set Forth At Dawn, there is an appendix titled “The Pyrates” – a
commentary on the confraternity which Soyinka founded in 1953, but essentially
the book tells the story of Nigeria’s Federal Road Safety Corps (FRSC), how it
began, the challenges faced by the founder and his team of volunteers, the
attempt by many forces including internal saboteurs, homicidal figures
masquerading as drivers, suicidal passengers, koboko and sword-wielding
soldiers, military leaders, Nigerian big men and corrupt elements who tried
everything possible to frustrate the vision of the Road Safety Corps, from Oyo
state to the national stage.
This is a book to be
read by all officers of the FRSC and the general reader as well. The FRSC is
part of Soyinka’s legacy to Nigeria, his own way of giving back, and here he
documents that legacy, and the pains of bringing it to fruition.
There are echoes in
this narrative, of previous writings: The Road, From Zia with Love, A Play of
Giants, Opera Wonyosi, and the recent A Personal Odyssey in The Republic of
Liars (2005), making the book much more than a narrative on the FRSC but a
further interrogation of the environment called Nigeria and particularly of the
Nigerian character.
Is there something
that can be called a Nigerian character? The setting for this interrogation is
the road: the same road that lies famished, claiming lives due to reckless
driving, robbing people of their lives prematurely, turning teachers at the
time Soyinka was teaching at the then University of Ife, into perpetual
mourners and the entire community an arena for endless mourning and
condolences.
In the mid-70s,
Soyinka had drawn up a blueprint for a Road Safety intervention, a volunteer,
self-policing initiative which stepped in, to fill the vacuum created by a
military and a police force that didn’t care about death on the roads or the
odoriferous pile of cadavers that littered them.
But here is where the
character issue begins: trying to make any difference in Nigeria is like having
a dinner with the devil and to make any difference at all would require special
table manners.
The Nigerian
environment is a sorry theatre of struggle and violence – physical, social and
psychological between the forces of good and evil.
Governments, the
military, the police, and similar institutions, designed for public good have
over the years signed up in the corner of the devil, with the oil boom and
petro-dollar imposing a level of greed that makes a grab, steal and destroy
mentality the new morality.
The people themselves,
glad to have access to part of the oil largesse simply assume government would
take care of morality.
The road map of
Nigeria covered in this book is about the failure of government, institutions
and even more so of individuals.
A Third Force seeking
to make a difference, starting with the roads, soon found itself attacked by
the same persons whose lives it sought to save. Wole Soyinka tells the story in
a way only he can.
His table manner is to
deal with the Nigerian pathology by preaching about it, teaching about it,
offering advice, intervening where necessary and withdrawing when necessary,
guided in all cases by the public good.
He sees nothing wrong
in direct intervention and in wielding the cudgel to crack the heads of agents
of impunity no matter how highly placed.
This dinner with the
devil in Nigeria is now in a worse shape: no longer a regular dinner, but a
banquet! The forces of evil have seized the nation’s throat.
But Soyinka can draw
consolation from this: there are still a few good men in our community who are
prepared to stand up to evil, even if their table manners may be notably
different.
By Reuben Abati
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