FULANI MURDEROUS RAMPAGE IN NIGERIA:Indigenous Peoples of the Middle Belt Today Face a Tragedy, Genocide
The
Italian Marxist political philosopher, Antonio Gramsci, was one of the most
original thinkers of the twentieth century. I admire his freshness of approach
and his critical spirit in approaching issues of domination and power in world
politics. Gramsci invented the notion of “hegemonia” (hegemony) to explain the
structure and anatomy of domination in political society. He identified varying
forms of domination economy, culture and politics. According to him, dominant
elites manipulate capital, political power, ideas, information and knowledge to
consolidate their stranglehold on society. Hegemony can be so effective that
the people dominated begin to accept their fate as a part of the natural order
and the best of all possible worlds. I find this concept of hegemony so
relevant to what is going on in relation to the genocide being perpetrated by
the Fulani militias in the Middle Belt of our country today.
Historians
around the world agree that the original home of the Fulani people is Futa
Jallon (also known in the French as Fouta Djallon) in the Upper Guinea
highlands of the West African Republic of Guinea. Also known as Fula, Fulbe or
Pullo, the Fulani are thought to have emigrated from North Africa and the
Middle East in ancient times, settling in the Futa Jallon Mountains and
intermarrying with the local population and creating a unique ethnic identity
based on cultural and biological miscegenation.
Futa
Jallon is also the source of the great River Niger that undulates a vast region
of our beloved West Africa; traversing over 4,000 km. It is a region of great
beauty, with a near-temperate climate. It has been described by a European
visitor as “the Switzerland of Africa”. The Malian writer and ethnologist
Amadou HampatĂ© Ba famously described Futa Jallon as “the Tibet of West Africa”,
on account of its surfeit of Muslim clerics, Sufi mystics, itinerant students
and preachers.
The
second traditional home of the Fulani is Futa Toro, by the banks of the Senegal
River in the current nation of Senegal.
Over
the centuries, the Fulani converted to Islam and some of them became zealous
Muslim clerics and itinerant proselytizers. Through war and conquest, they
formed several kingdoms, among them Tukolor, Massina, the Caliphate of Usman
Dan Fodio and Fombina in the early nineteenth century.
Today,
the Fulani number about 20 million worldwide. They are spread all over West and
central Africa, particularly Guinea, Nigeria, Mali, Senegal, Ghana, Niger,
Sudan, Chad, Mauritania, Guinea-Bissau, Cameroon, Burkina Faso and The Gambia.
Their population is between 7 and 8 million in their original homeland in
Guinea.
The
Fulani are the world’s largest single pastoral ethnic community, ahead of the
Maasai of Kenya and Tanzania and the Karamajong of Uganda. Out of their
population of 20 million, a third are pastoralists while the rest are settled,
sedentary communities consisting of farmers, traders, artisanal craftsmen and
Muslim clerics.
The Fulani who once enjoyed
great political power as founders of empires are today
largely powerless. Despite the fact that they constitute the single largest
ethnic majority in their original homeland of Guinea, they have never enjoyed
political power in that country. The ethnic composition of Guinea, according to
recent estimates, is as follows: Fula (41%); Mandinka (33%); Susu (12%); Kissi
(5%); Kpelle (5%); and others (4%).
Ever
since independence from the French, Sekou Touré, an ethnic Mandinka, ruled the
country with an iron hand. He was particularly hard on the Fula, whom he
accused of plotting with the French to undermine his government. One of the
prominent casualties was Diallo Telli, a Fula. He was the pioneer
Secretary-General of the then Organization of African Unity (OAU) before
becoming Minister of Justice under Sekou Touré. In March 1977 Touré accused him
of being the arrowhead of a Fula complot to overthrow the government. He was
thrown into the notorious Camp Boiro prison where he died a gruesome death.
Subsequent
rulers of the country, from Louis Lansana Beavogui, Lansana Conté, Moussa Dadis
Camara and the incumbent Alpha Condé, have all been non-Fula. It would seem
that all the other ethnic groups have ganged up to ensure that a Fula will
never rule over them. One of the closest who came to grabbing power was the
brilliant Fula economist and banker Cellou Dalein Diallo. He had been prime
minister under the late Lansana Conté where he acquitted himself as an
effective administrator. He has become a rallying point of the opposition Union
of Democratic Forces of Guinea (UFDG).
But
it would seem that the rest of the ethnic groups are already determined that
they would never be ruled by the Fula, who remain the majority as well as being
the most educated and among the most moneyed classes. The
Mandinka, the Susu and others believe the Fula are a
highly clannish and racist group and that once they seize power, they would
turn the rest of them into slaves in their own ancestral homeland.
Perhaps this explains why the
Fulani have turned their attention to Nigeria. They remember the great success
of the Fulani Jihad led by Usman Dan Fodio and his son Mohammed Bello. They
believe that if they cannot establish hegemonic power in their own ancestral
homeland then they have a right to turn to Nigeria, a land they believe was
given to them by God Almighty Himself. They have been encouraged by the fact
that the population of Fulanis in Nigeria is even threatening to overtake that
of their original home in Guinea. They are also inspired by the fact that three
Nigerian leaders have been of the Fulani ethnic extraction, namely, Shehu Usman
Aliyu Shagari, Murtala Ramat Mohammed (through his mother), Umaru Yar’Adua and
the current incumbent of our High Magistracy Muhammadu Buhari.
Under
the Nigerian constitution, the Government of Nigeria has a duty to cater for
all our citizens. Unfortunately, the Fulani from throughout West Africa and
beyond believe Nigeria belongs to them by right. They are under this illusion
that they can come from across the border with their cattle and the next day,
have a right to demand land for settlement. They also forget that under the
ECOWAS Protocol on the movement of peoples, visitors from our region can live
only for 3 months as visitors. If they plan to live beyond the statutory 3
months they have to apply to regularize their stay. Unfortunately, recent
Fulani emigrants recognize no such regulations. They can come today and
tomorrow they are demanding all the rights and privileges appertaining to all bona
fide citizens. Not only that, they are laying legal claims to ancestral lands
belonging to the peoples of Benue, Taraba, Plateau and the rest of the Middle
Belt.
Before the arrival of
the British, the Fulani spearheaded raids throughout the Middle Belt in a bid
to capture slaves and for material booty, land and conquest. The peoples of the
Middle Belt heroically resisted them. Usman Dan Fodio was himself wounded by
the Tivs in Benue, of which he later died in April 1817. Perhaps it was on
account of this that the Fulani established a relationship of “abokanin wasa”
(playmates) with the Tivs. For the better part of a century, the Tivs regarded
the Fulanis as their friends and playmates. This relationship has foundered
on the full realization of their renewed ambitions for conquest, subjugation,
genocide and dispossession.
During the era of British colonial rule, the Caliphate was
strengthened to bolster the moral economy of British imperial power. The Emirs
were strengthened to lord it over the peoples of the Middle Belt, so long as
they were satisfying the expectations of the colonial masters. Thus, it came
about that Emirs were created in areas that were 99% Christian, including such
areas as Jema’a, Lafia, Keffi, Jere and Wase. They were even touting with the
idea of creating emirates in Makurdi and Jos, were it not for the grace of God!
Where they could not create new Emirates, the people were placed under the
tutelage of Caliphal feudal overlords. A good example is the Tiv people, who
for many years in the fifties and sixties were placed under the tutelage of the
Emir of Muri.
In Nigeria, the original
Habe Hausa peoples have become integrated into a new mongrel race known as
“Hausa-Fulani”. It is a constructed identity of very recent times. Most Fulani in
today’s Nigeria are largely a settled urban community. Today, their foot
soldiers are their pastoralist herdsmen that they have armed with sophisticated
weapons to wreck bloodshed and pillage throughout the vast expanses of our
ancestral savannah homeland in the Middle Belt. The Fulbe language is rarely
spoken by most Fulanis in Nigeria. Contemporary Fulbe speakers are to be found
mainly in Gombe, Adamawa, Katsina and Kano. Although all the Emirs are Fulanis,
you are most unlikely to hear their language spoken in their palaces. Hausa has
become their lingua franca.
By
lumping themselves as Hausa-Fulani, the Fulanis have successfully hidden their
oppressive stranglehold on Northern Nigeria. The truth is that the Hausa people
make up the bulk of the Talakawa. No Hausa person could ever aspire to be Emir.
The Fulani have successfully exploited the Caliphate to consolidate their
stranglehold over the North and over the rest of Nigeria which they believe to
be their patrimony by right.
What
the peoples of the Middle Belt today face is a tragedy that can best be
described as genocide. Fulani militias, in their thousands, have been rampaging
across the primeval savannah, killing, pillaging and burning down entire
villages. Not only do they maim and kill; they destroy farmsteads and
repopulate them with their own people.
I myself do not believe
in preaching hatred. We must preach the gospel of love. We would never advocate
for people to go about hunting the Fulani and doing reprisal killings. But
nobody should deny the leaders of the victim communities the right to voice
their legitimate concerns. When General T. Y. Danjuma raised alarm about it, he was told to
“use his influence wisely”. General Danjuma urged his people to “defend
themselves”, which is not only in line with the constitution of Nigeria; it is
in conformity with the sacred precepts of the Law of Nations, Natural Justice
and the dictates of Just Law Theory. The customs and international laws of war,
since time immemorial, demand that people who face a direct threat to their own
existential survival have a duty and right to engage in legitimate
self-defense. It is not only a principle derived from the law, it also derives
from morality and international ethics.
By Obadiah Mailafia
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